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By Robert
B. Hill | SPECIAL TO THE OBSERVER
The late Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the unflappable former
Senator from New York, was a scholar and an individual with
a marvelous bent toward public service: he served in the administration
of two Democratic presidents and two Republican presidents.
But many African Americans may not view him favorably at all:
They remember his 1965 report that declared the female-headed
family structure as a "self-perpetuating tangle of pathology"
which was primarily responsible for most Black ills.
Many critics charged the study with "blaming the victim"
because it appeared to minimize the role of such external
forces as racism, economic oppression and destructive government
policies. Blacks also recall the "benign neglect"
memorandum that Moynihan prepared as an advisor to President
Nixon in 1969 - a memo that was widely construed as urging
this nation to shift its attention from racial concerns. These
were the sources of the feeling among some that Moynihan was
anti-Black and anti-poor.
That view is wrong.
For example, Moynihan's intent in the controversial report:
"The Negro Family: A Case for National Action,"
which he prepared for President Johnson to incorporate in
his 1965 commencement address at Howard University was to
spur policymakers to enact major legislation to strengthen
Black families.
However, legislators in the Congress and the statehouses ignored
their responsibilities in this area. Such efforts did not
materialize, and the report itself was roundly condemned by
many Blacks and liberal Whites.
Yet, much of Moynihan's document had strong empirical support:
It made a convincing case for assessing the lasting effects
of slavery, historic discrimination, unemployment, and poverty
on Black family instability. It referred to studies that found
strong correlations between single-parent families and low
educational achievement and high rates of delinquency and
crime. And it predicted that the declining ratio of males
to females would have detrimental consequences for Black families.
Unquestionably, the most troubling aspect of the report was
the causal role attributed to the female-headed family structure.
Here, Moynihan was on less sure ground. Although he cited
the African American sociologist E. Franklin Frazier extensively
in the document, Frazier himself viewed single-parent Black
families in urban areas as a consequence, not a cause, of
such developments as recessions, discrimination, unemployment,
and poverty.
In his influential 1968 book, the scholar Andrew Billingsley
asserted that one couldn't fully understand how the Black
family functioned without examining the impact of social forces
and institutions in the larger white society as well as in
the Black community.
Moreover, the 1972 National Urban League study, "The
Strengths of Black Families," which I authored, contended
that most Black families headed by women were not characterized
by a weak work ethic and moral defects, but by strong kinship
networks and other assets. My focus on female-headed families,
and also on out-of-wedlock births, followed a path forged
in preceding years by numerous Black scholars.
Indeed, at the 1930 White House Conference on Children, the
noted Black sociologist Ira DeA. Reid, then Director of Research
for the National Urban League, presented a "pre-Moynihan"
report that highlighted the alarming rates of single-parent
families, out-of-wedlock births, infant mortality, poverty,
overcrowding and ill health among Blacks. Reid concluded that
the Black community would be willing to address these issues
itself if it were provided adequate resources.
Of course, his plea, and those of others along the same lines,
went unremarked upon by the larger society for a generation
- until the Moynihan report appeared.
Moynihan's commitment to progressive public policies can be
seen in such things as the major role he played in ensuring
that the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program provided
more adequate income to elderly persons who had been domestics
or farmers when those job categories weren't covered by the
1935 Social Security Act. He also spearheaded the expansion
of the progressive Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) to reduce
the disparate tax burden on low-income working families. Both
of these measures disproportionately help poor Blacks.
Furthermore, Moynihan's efforts were crucial to the passage
of the innovative Family Support Act in 1988; and he was an
early and vigorous critic of President Clinton's support for
the so-called welfare reform act of 1996. Moynihan rightly
predicted that this "anti-family" legislation would
have harmful consequences for many poor families, a prediction
subsequent research has vindicated.
Moynihan should also be credited with another legacy that
is rarely mentioned. Although many have complained that the
controversy over his report stifled research on Black families,
in fact, it was the catalyst for hundreds of such studies
by both Black and White scholars which have markedly increased
our understanding of family life among Blacks and other economically
disadvantaged groups.
Daniel Patrick Moynihan labored unstintingly over the years
to improve the social and economic well being of families
of all races. His passing marks the loss of a truly visionary
scholar and statesman.
Robert B. Hill, a former director of research at the National
Urban League, is Senior Researcher at Westat, Inc., a research
firm in Rockville, Maryland.
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